Andaya, Barbara Watson. “Political Development between the Sixteenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in Cambridge History of Southeast Asia – volume 1: From Early Times to c. 1800, ed. Nicholas Tarling, 402-59. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

p. 410. Patani was a strategic meeting point between Chinese and Malay merchants in the years after the fall of Melaka, positioned as it was, on the east coast of the peninsula.

Andaya, Barbara Watson. To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993a.

p. 44. The demand for pepper rose rapidly in the Chinese market in the 16^th century. They preferred to go to well-established entrepots where they could trade their other cargo for pepper, thus they did not immediately go to Jambi, even though it became known for its pepper by the mid-16^th century. Instead, they frequented other, better-established ports such as Palembang, Banten, Patani, and a number of north Javanese ports such as Gresik.

p. 45. The Portuguese were at constant odds with Aceh, and thus to try to access pepper, they had to resort to Jambi pepper available in Patani, with whom they had established relations about 1517, and on supplies in Sunda, where a small Portuguese community had grown up.

p. 355. By the 1530s, about 300 Portuguese merchants stationed themselves in Patani.

Bastin, John. “The Changing Balance of the Southeast Asian Pepper Trade,” in Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Monographs on Southeast Asian Subjects, no. 2, ed. John Bastin. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press Ltd., 1961: 19-52.

p. 25-26. European pepper mainly came from the Malabar Coast in the 16^th century. Pepper elsewhere remained the main source for inter-Asian pepper trade. Thus when the Portuguese entered the arena, they were on equal terms with Javanese merchants, who traded the pepper of Sunda, the Lampungs, Indrapura, Patani, and Jambi, for Balinese cottons, which were in turn traded for the spices of Moluku. Portuguese attempts to establish a fort in the Sunda region by which to control this branch of the pepper trade and to regulate trade in Moluku failed by the mid-16^th century. It was not until the coming of the Dutch and the English that this eastern pepper network became oriented more towards Europe (and from these sources massive amounts of pepper arrived in Europe).

Campos, Joaquim de. “Early Portuguese Accounts of Thailand.” Journal of the Thailand Research Society 32, no. 1 (1940): 1-27.

p. 22. The Portuguese acquired products such as rice, tin, ivory, benzoin, indigo, sticklac, and timber such as dye-woods and sappan wood in Ayutthaya and transported it to Ligor and Patani and thence to Melaka.

Davies, D. W. A Primer of Dutch Seventeenth Century Overseas Trade. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1961.

p. 70. The first Japanese junk reached Patani in 1592 and Patani sent its first ships to Japan in 1599.

Hall, D. G. E. A History of South-East Asia. 4^th ed. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1981.

p. 199. A Portuguese envoy arrived in Ayutthaya proclaiming its victory over Melaka. Siam claimed suzerainty over the peninsula but was at that time preoccupied with Chiang Mai, thus King Rama T’ibodi II (1491-1529) consented to treaties that allowed the Portuguese to trade at Ayutthaya, Nakhon Si Thammarat, Patani, Tenasserim, and Mergui.

 

p. 270. The Portuguese established treaties with Siam that allowed them to trade at Ayutthaya, Mergui, Tenasserim, Patani, and Nakhon Si Thammarat. Ayutthaya and Patani both conducted a steady trade with China and the Portuguese factories flourished there. The Portuguese ships often sheltered at these east-coast ports during the north-east monsoon, when the China Sea was difficult to navigate. They remained well-established there until they were ousted by the Dutch in about 1630.

Hashim, Muhammad Yusoff. The Malay Sultanate of Malacca: A Study of Various Aspects of Malacca in the 15^th and 16^th Centuries in Malaysian History, tr. D. J. Muzaffar Tate. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1992.

p. 187. The author attributes one of Melaka’s reasons for success as an entrepot was its merchants’ ability to position themselves as the “middlemen” in the pepper trade between China, one the one hand, and the sources of pepper at Patani, Pasai, and Pedir.

Hutchinson, E. W. Adventurers in Siam in the Seventeenth Century. London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1940.

p. 22. The factory at Patani, founded in 1516 by Manuel Falcao/Falco, by 1538 had 300 Portuguese who actively engaged in trade.

Kathirithamby-Wells, Jeyamalar. “Restraints on the Development of Merchant Capitalism in Southeast Asia before c. 1800,” in Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief, ed. Anthony Reid. Asia East by South. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993: 123-48.

p. 124-25. Military protection of merchant vessels became a central feature during the early phases of European economic expansion. This caused local polities to respond in kind, such as the rulers of Patani, Aceh, Banten, Makassar, and Ayutthaya, for whom protection from the military attacks of Europeans was a constant threat. Still, Kathirithamby-Wells argues that at times arms were employed for internal consolidation as well, such as the case of the First Toungoo Empire (1535-99) in Pegu.

p. 143. The author notes that Syeikh Gombak, a Minangkabau trader in Patani in the early 16^th century, was put to death for ignoring the royal decree on the ban of trading copper, which was reserved for casting cannons. This is part of a larger discussion of the adventurousness of Minangkabau-Malay traders who were part of a far-flung diaspora. (FRB: The author seems to misinterpret the dating of this, generally thought to have occurred in the 1570s or 1580s when the Chinese pirate who first cast the Patani cannons had taken refuge in the country).

p. 144. Lists Patani among other cities as places where gold currency was officially minted as an alternative to the more common international silver bullion which became the main method of exchange. Other polities were: Aceh, Ayutthaya, Banten, Makassar, and Terengganu.

Khien Theeravit. “Japanese-Siamese Relations, 1606-1629,” in Thai-Japanese Relations in Historical Perspective, ed. Chaiwat Khamchoo and E. Bruce Reynolds. Bangkok: Innomedia Co., 1988.

p. 22. In 1599 and 1602, junks from Patani arrived in Japan with envoys on board.

p. 24. Licenses were granted to Japanese junks to trade in Siam, including Ligor (Nakhon Sri Thammarat) and Patani, as early as 1592.

Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “The Vanishing Jong: Insular Southeast Asian Fleets in Trade and War (Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries),” in Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power, and Belief, ed. Anthony Reid. Asia East by South. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993: 197-213.

p. 205-06. Numerous polities developed strong war fleets in the 16^th century to respond to the growing threat at sea and to protect their economic resources. Such places included: Japara, Banten, Bintan, Johor, Lingga, Indragiri, Pahang, Patani, Aru, and most visibly, Aceh.

Meilink-Roelofsz, Marie Antoinette Petronella. Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1962.

p. 81. Melaka imported gold from Siam and Patani as well as Sumatra, and it was brought by the Gores, too. The poorest quality gold came from Borneo.

p. 165. The Portuguese took cloth to Patani, but the bottom fell out of the market when shipments of cloth to Siam and other parts of Southeast Asia via Tenasserim increased.

p. 170. The Portuguese saw the Chinese as competition for their acquisition of pepper and therefore tried to prevent them from acquiring it in Sunda, Patani, Pahang, Indragiri, and other pepper-producing areas.

Noorduyn, J. “De Islamisering van Makasar.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 112 (1956) : 247-66.

p. 249. Tunijallo, karaeng of Gowa (1565-90), was unusual for a Gowa lord and traveled to Johor, Melaka, Java, Palembang, Patani, Banjarmasin, and various parts of Moluku, to arrange trade relations. The direct result of their influence was the Islamization of the region (FRB: and the eventual conversion of Makassar’s ruler in 1605).

Reid, Anthony. “Economic and Social Change, c. 1400-1800,” in Cambridge History of Southeast Asia – volume 1: From Early Times to c. 1800, ed. Nicholas Tarling, 460-507. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

p. 471. During the trade boom, Patani drew more than half of its rice from Songkla, Nakhon Si Thammarat, Siam, and Cambodia, and merchants from Pahang and further south came to the Patani market to buy their supplies of grain.

p. 485. The Melaka legal codes written in the reign of Sultan Mahmud (1488-1511) were an explicit response to the needs of a polyglot commercially-oriented population for security of property and predictability of legal decisions in commercial matters. This code was copied and extended during the 16^th and 17^th centuries in other Malayo-Muslim centers such as Aceh, Pahang, Patani, and Kedah.

Reid, Anthony. “The Rise of Makassar.” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 17 (1983): 117-60.

p. 137. The Portuguese visited Siang (south Sulawesi) in the 1540s and found that the principal traders there were from Ujung Tanah (Johor), Pahang, and Patani and had been trading there for about 50 years. Reid speculates that these merchants had been originally centered in Melaka before 1511 and had followed the route pioneered by the Bajau to south Sulawesi. They appeared not to be after spices, as Javanese merchants who called at points further south had been, but to have collected local south Sulawesi products: sandalwood, sea produce (especially tortoise shell), rice, and slaves.

p. 137. At least by the reign of Tunipalangga, karaeng of Gowa (1548-66), the diasporic Malays of Makassar (mainly from Johor, Pahang, and Patani) had shifted their base of operations to the Gowa-Tallo.

p. 138-39. By the end of the 16^th century, Makassar was emerging as the major midway point between the Malay Peninsula and Moluku.

Reid, Anthony. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce. Volume 1: The Lands below the Winds. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.

p. 7. Reid notes that the most important Southeast Asian entrepots had been Malay-speaking for quite some time, first Srivijaya, then its successors: Pasai, Melaka, Johor, Patani, Aceh, and Brunei. The cosmopolitan trading class became known as Malay because they spoke that language, regardless of whether their forebears were Javanese, Mon, Indian, Chinese, or Filipino.

p. 37. Digging canals to bring fresh water closer to urban settlements was one of the most important public works conducted by rulers of Patani and Makassar.

Reid, Anthony. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce. Volume 2: Expansion and Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993.

p. 16. In the period 1508-54, Ayutthaya, Patani, west Java, and Melaka (to 1511), were the principal trading partners for Ryukyu. Though this trade had been a key component in the 15^th century, it now declined and by the 1550s, Ryukyu ceased to be a major player in Southeast Asian economic affairs.

p. 59. Cross-peninsular trade occurred at a slower rate and lesser volume than maritime trade. However, these routes strengthened whenever sea trade was hazardous, such as for Indian Muslims traders after 1511. Kedah-Patani was one of the major routes followed by these traders, as well as Mergui-Tenasserim, Trang-Nakhon Si Thammarat, and from various Burmese ports such as Martaban, Ye, and Tavoy into the Chao Phraya river valley.

p. 211-12. Patani was merely one of several small port-states on the east coast of the peninsula until the fall of Melaka in 1511. Within a few years much of Melaka’s trade had relocated to Patani, especially from China, Ryukyu, Java, and all of the surrounding islands. It did not gain a permanent advantage over its neighbors – Nakhon Si Thammarat (Ligor) and Malay Pahang – until the 1560s. Then more than 2000 Chinese “pirates” made it their commercial base, according to the Ming annals. Local traditions mention Lin Daoquian as the leader of this group, having seized the city and having established a new dynasty, but Malay symbolize their role only with the tale of the casting of the cannons there. In any event, Patani became the major entrepot for Chinese trade in the 17^th century and some Dutch writers characterized it as a colony of Chinese exiles.

Reid, Anthony. “The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (1980): 235-50.

p. 237. The author, in the context of the Chinese direct involvement in Southeast Asian trade in the period 1405-33, argues that Ayutthaya, Patani, Brunei, Manila, Melaka, and the ports of Java, such as Tuban, Gresik, Surabaya, Japara, and later Banten, were the major ports that benefited most by the rise in trade. These ports, too, were tied intimately into the Chinese diasporic trading network that continued to prosper even after the imperial decree outlawed foreign trade.

Sarasin Viraphol, Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade, 1652-1853. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977.

p. 9. Portuguese commenced trade with Ayutthaya, Patani, Nakhon, Mergui, and Tenasserim, after 1512 as a part of their burgeoning trade network, centered around Melaka.

Schrieke, B. Indonesian Sociological Studies: Selected Writings of B. Schrieke. Part One. The Hague: W. van Hoeve Ltd., 1955.

p. 45. He argues that Portuguese trade policy caused the rise of Aceh and Bantam as local ports and even for trade with China to shift from Melaka to Patani, which was also a modest spice port, drawing such products either directly from Moluku or indirectly via Johor.

Tien-Tse Chang. Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644: A Synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese Sources. Leyden: Late E. J. Brill, Ltd., 1934.

p. 39. Fernao Peres sailed along the east coast of the peninsula, eventually arriving at Patani in 1516. At that port, and at others the Portuguese came across, they made agreements with local rulers to establish trade facilities.

p. 47-48. Simao d’Andrade, a Portuguese official, arrived in China (Canton) in 1519 from Melaka and soon alienated the Chinese by building a fort and ordering the execution of a sailor, both of which angered the Chinese since they saw the former as a seizure of territory and the latter as their right only. Furthermore, when ships came from Siam, Cambodia, Patani, and other places, they were not allowed to unload their freight until the Portuguese had sold all of their products first.

p. 60-61. It appears that in negotiations between the Chinese emperor and the Portuguese captain of Melaka, Patani was a meeting point between rivals. In 1523, when the emperor was trying to arbitrate the dispute between the Portuguese and the exiled sultan of Melaka, the emperor sent out letters. Apparently the envoy either met the sultan or a representative thereof, in Patani, and then returned with a further plea on his behalf to the emperor. The Portuguese forces attacked Bintang and then appeared in Patani. Thus in 1524, the Malays were compelled to leave Canton and were given no further assistance from the emperor. Rumor has it that they fled for Borneo, but were shipwrecked and captured by their enemy. China also severed trading ties to Patani at this time.

p. 62-63. During the brief period of Sino-Portuguese trade, 1514-22, China is recorded as importing pepper from Sumatra, Malabar, Pasai, Pedir, and Patani; drugs from Cambay; opium, wormwood, Levant gall nuts, saffron, corals, and foodstuffs from Cambay, Palecate, and Bengal; vermillion, quicksilver, scarlet cloth, black wood, putchuck, frankincense, ivory, woolen cloth, and gold thread.

p. 69. After 1522, when foreign traders were all banned from Canton, the Portuguese still managed to access Chinese products at Patani, Melaka, Siam, and a few other ports and exchanged products from India that were in demand in the Chinese market.

p. 71. In 1535, the Portuguese sent a junk from their base in Patani to Canton to see if the port was reopened to their trade, but found that though trade had resumed in 1530, the Portuguese alone were now excluded from trading there.

p. 79. Again in 1540, the Portuguese sent a ship, under the command of Antonio de Faria, up along the coast towards Champa, looking for “good booty” but they were eventually shipwrecked. This still seems to indicate that Patani was a major base of Portuguese operations, especially after they were barred from Canton.

p. 95. By the mid-16^th century, at the time that the Portuguese were trying to establish relations again with China, this time at Macao, Fukien carried on a steady trade with many distant ports including: Manila, Patani, and to a lesser extent, Japan.

Van der Cruysse, Dirk. Siam and the West 1500-1700, tr. Michael Smithies. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2002.

p. 11. From their factory in Patani, the Portuguese established contact with the Ming Chinese in 1517, first arriving in Canton in 1517.

p. 54. Sir James Lancaster may have visited Patani in June 1592 during his voyage to Southeast Asia.

Villiers, John. “Makassar: The Rise and Fall of an East Indonesian Maritime State, 1512-1669,” in Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise, eds. J. Kathirithamby-Wells and John Villiers. Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1990a: 143-59.

p. 146. Portuguese accounts state that most traders in Siang (on Sulawesi) in the 1540s were Malays from Johor, Pahang, and Patani. Villiers speculates that these merchants were likely established in Melaka before the Portuguese conquest of 1511 and had left Melaka when they found Portuguese rule too restrictive via trade monopolies, particularly the spice trade.